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Hamas seeks to silence Gazans who criticize it over war with Israel

JAFFA, Israel — The move by Hamas in recent weeks to try to stop a wave of protests against it in Gaza reflects the group’s determination to continue silencing dissent even as the war with Israel has left the militants badly weakened.

The demonstrations, which broke out in late March, represented the boldest challenge to Hamas in years and underscored the desperation among Palestinians in Gaza to end the war. The protests have now largely petered out, with Gazans attributing the decline to Hamas pressure and the preoccupation of the enclave’s besieged residents with searching for food and fleeing Israeli strikes and evacuation orders.

The protests, which were also against the war, took many Gazans by surprise, given that Hamas regularly clamps down on dissent.

Gazans said that some Palestinians who participated in or posted on social media about the protests got threatening calls or summonses from Hamas’ internal security. In local media, anonymous Hamas officials branded the protesters as collaborators with Israel. Several Palestinian journalists told The Washington Post that they felt pressured not to cover the demonstrations because that might distract from the war.

Last month, Hamas members beat to death Oday Rabey, who had defended a cousin who had been harassed by Hamas security personnel for participating in protests, according to two relatives who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of Hamas reprisal. A large group of masked men identifying themselves as members of Hamas’ armed wing, the Izzedine al-Qassam Brigades, kidnapped, beat and tortured Rabey, the relatives who saw him in the hospital said.

“This is the fate of people who wrong Hamas,” the men said, according to the relatives.

Hamas official Basem Naim did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement last month, he said that “all people have the right to cry out of pain and raise their voices against the aggression against our people,” but he criticized those who “exploit these tragic humanitarian conditions, whether to advance suspicious political agendas or to absolve the criminal aggressor, the occupation and its army, of responsibility.”

The wave of protests began in the northern Gaza city of Beit Lahia soon after Israel broke its ceasefire with Hamas and resumed military operations across the enclave. Said Kilani, a political organizer from Beit Lahia, said the demonstration there began spontaneously, in particular among residents who had suffered the most under Israeli bombardment.

Protests then spread to Khan Younis, Jabalya and other cities, where marching men yelled, “Hamas out” and called for an end to the war.

“If the end of Hamas’ rule will lead to the end of the war, for us the most important thing is for the war to end,” said Rami Haroun, a resident of the central Nuseirat refugee camp who demonstrated. “Human loss doesn’t mean anything to Hamas.”

While protesters made clear their demand that Israel end its “genocide” against the Palestinians, the anti-Hamas sentiment that surfaced was the biggest indicator yet of the public’s growing dissatisfaction with the militant group and its handling of the war.

“The people of Gaza are the last thing they care about,” said Areej Ahmed, 30, a Gaza City resident. “They glorify our supposed steadfastness in speeches, but they do not realize that we are not steadfast. We are simply forced to survive.”

Throughout the war, Hamas has targeted critics. Men who said they belonged to Hamas physically beat up prominent political opponent Amin Abed and shot dead another, Ziad Abu Hayya, according to the victims’ families.

Rabey’s death was another chilling moment. The assailants told his family that Rabey had confessed to taking drugs and stealing guns from Hamas, his relatives said. His family denied the allegations.

Local journalists initially wanted to cover the protests. But two said they felt pressure not to cover them and other criticism of Hamas. The journalists spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal from Israel and Hamas.

One journalist said they didn’t cover the protests because they didn’t want to detract from the bigger story — Israel’s attacks — in addition to fear of Hamas labeling them a spy for Israel or taking “revenge.” Another journalist said Hamas’ internal security sometimes follows journalists as they report.

While Hamas remains the dominant political force in Gaza, the group’s ability to quash dissent is not as potent as in the past, Kilani said. “Hamas’ position is not strong, as it lacks official authority or an active presence on the ground,” he said. People “live with death daily, and fear of Hamas no longer significantly influences the views of those who demand their freedom.”

Since fighting resumed last month, the Israeli military has notably increased its targeting of police officers and other members of Hamas’ civil government, reducing the group’s ability to enforce its will.

“Hamas is not in a position to control the Palestinian streets,” said Gazan political analyst Mkhaimar Abusada. There is “a lot of internal strife between clans, between people, and part of it is going against Hamas.”

Some Gazans who are upset with Hamas bite their tongue because they fear the alternative: a political void. “People are afraid [of Hamas], but also afraid of chaos more,” said Haroun, the Nuseirat camp resident, citing the spread of armed gangs and merchants during the war. “In the current situation, there isn’t an alternative. The issue is terrifying.”

• Farouk Mahfouz reported from Cairo, Balousha from Toronto and Harb from London.

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